The vision for France of incumbent president Nicolas Sarkozy is different from that of his predecessor Jacque Chirac, and that is no surprise. The new president is as brusque and hyper-energetic as to be described by the international media as the Napoleon of contemporary times. And Napoleon’s vision is one of expansion, to the extent of wanting its role of a superpower in Europe, if not globally, restored.

Evidence to this end is abundant: in statements from Sarkozy since he took office in May and his extensive foreign visits.

Sarkozy’s eight-hour October 4 visit to Bulgaria was an illustration of and a tool to extrapolate the foreign policy vision of a country that is growing more ambitious internationally. The vision is two-pronged, but has one objective – a leading role both in Nato and the European Union. Since influence in European matters features as the point of intersection, efforts aimed at achieving either of these goals often go hand-in-hand.

Sarkozy’s agenda in Bulgaria included both defence and EU issues. He came to get a governmental nod for a stalled military deal between French shipbuilding company Armaris and Bulgaria’s Defence Ministry, as well as to agree on tighter co-operation between the military and on defence. He also wanted to ensure Bulgarian support for France’s EU presidency, which starts on July 1 2008, and its goals. He promised that Bulgaria would suffer no “second-category EU member” status.

The deal to commission four Gowind multi-purpose corvettes is representative of the thin line France has drawn while developing its strategy on its place in the military landscape. Namely, it does want 100 per cent involvement in deals related to military supplies and equipment. Sarkozy took this one step further in an interview with The New York Times in late September by saying France “has no mission to go into Iraq”, or Iran, therefore bringing home the strategic direction of the country. That is, France wants a say in peacemaking talks but wants no involvement in military operations.

Sarkozy said that curbing Iran’s nuclear activities was top of his foreign policy priorities, but he urged others to delete the word “war” from negotiation talks with and discussion about Iran, in agreement with his predecessor.

He broke with traditional French policy, urging economic sanctions against Iran, dubbing them the sole useful diplomatic weapon under current circumstances.

Closer to home, tighter economic and business co-operation with many countries in Europe has been France’s choice for re-establishing itself as a primary force on the continent.

In a strong illustration of its push for international prominence, France, a founding member, renewed its interest in rejoining Nato.

Sarkozy has taken on an initiative of his predecessor, but under different circumstances. While president, Chirac and George Bush, the president of the de facto leader of Nato, the US, suffered strained bilateral relations. They reached outright animosity after France condemned the US operation in Iraq and refused to send troops to the troubled country.

However, now France is busy preparing for its daunting push to become a more prominent international player, and under the conditions set forth by Chirac. France wants an independent defence capability for Europe and room for top-tier French generals in Nato’s command.

First, the France of Sarkozy has become increasingly warm to the country with a critical role in Nato matters.

As for Europe, Sarkozy toned down his previously stubborn position on Turkey, one of Nato’s oldest member states and the country with the fourth-largest army in the world, and its inaptness for EU membership. Just days ago, he spoke of the prospect of associated membership for Turkey.

An attempt to increase influence in Europe has continued with a tour of the continent, whose primary goal Sarkozy described as scooping support for France’s idea for a reformist agreement, with the first step being to create a “team of sages” to mastermind a new EU constitution, to reunite an EU currently seeming increasingly divided.

If successful, and passed during France’s presidency in the second half of 2008, the effort would bring substantial dividends to Sarkozy. First, the resolution of the problem, which has been running for years, would originate from a country that caused it (with the rejection of the draft constitution in a nationwide referendum). Second, France would build the reputation of a primary consolidating force and as such, one to take after.