On January 20, Serbia voted for its president. The country's president is primarily a representative role and usually the election would not have been given much notice had it not been that each political twist and turn is so important in the current Serbian-Kosovo situation. Kosovo is expected to declare independence shortly, which has sparked a nationalistic wave in Serbia. The presidential vote was seen as a gauge of public feeling on the issue.

It was clear from the high voter turnout that tension had gripped Serbia. At 61 per cent, it was the highest since the fall of Slobodan Milosevic in 2000. The level of public involvement stemmed not only from feelings on Kosovo. Other pillars of the presidential campaign, economic revival and the possibility of joining the European Union, were no less important to people.

Tension came hand-in-hand with dissension on the way the three goals should be pursued. As no candidate got more than 50 per cent of the vote in the first round, Serbia will go to the polls again on February 3 and the turnout is predicted to be even higher.

In the first round , ultra-nationalist Tomislav Nikolic got 39.6 per cent of the vote and pro-Western oriented Boris Tadic was a close second with 35 per cent. The candidate backed by Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica, Velimir Ilic, was far behind the main contenders with seven per cent.

International media interpreted the choice between Nikolic and Tadic as a choice between the West and the East, namely Russia. Nikolic was once a supporter of the late Serbian nationalist Slobodan Milosevic, the president at the time of the disintegration of Yugoslavia and who hailed the bomb attacks in Kosovo. Nikolic also comes from the Radical Party headed by Vojislav Seselj, himself on trial at the UN tribunal for crimes against humanity.

Nikolic objects to Kosovo's plans for independence and although he is in favour of Serbia's EU future, he is seen as the supporter of Russia.

Tadic's priorities are the same, yet he favours the EU more than association with Russia. He also objects to the breakaway of what is seen as Serbia's heartland, Kosovo, despite that its population has been predominantly ethnic Albanian. The West perceives Tadic as the better option because Nikolic is perceived as likely to be prone to acts of violence in the aftermath of Kosovo's declaration of independence.

The tension, rooted in the uncertainty developments in Kosovo might bring, made the presidential vote a point of interest both within and outside the country. Serbia is now at a pivotal crossroads and under much pressure to decide on which position to take on the international scene. Its undecided course transpires from the disparate messages the Serbian political elite has been sending lately.

The disparity stems from the intensive string of actions of the EU, US and Russia, all of who are watching the developments in Serbia closely. The degree to which all the international actors are flexing their muscles and scoring well with individual groups in Serbia is seen through the following facts.

Serbia adopted a resolution on December 28 2007 that effectively permitted tough action, military included, if there were acts that might threaten its territorial integrity. Kosovo's breakaway is seen as such an act. The news came alongside Russia's resolve to use its vote as a permanent member of the UN Security Council to deny Kosovo recognition within the United Nations.

EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana also made it clear he was ready to sign the Stabilisation and Association Agreement with Serbia on January 28. This document, the step necessary to start talks with the EU, is seen as the EU's tacit call for Serbia to not sway from its pro-EU course. To do so, however, Solana must procure Dutch acquiescence. The Netherlands has so far objected to the document being signed, insisting that first Serbia had to hand over Ratko Mladic, the general of Bosnian origin wanted in connection with charges of genocide.

Furthermore, on January 22, the Serbian government endorsed a draft energy agreement with Russia. The agreement, also expected to be signed on January 28, is said to grant 51 per cent of Serbia's oil and gas giant NIS to Russian peer Gazprom. It also allows for the South Stream gas pipeline project side shoot to Serbia and the construction of an underground storage facility. If the agreement is signed it would be just days after Bulgaria signed a document with Russia paving the way for the South Stream pipeline to be built across Bulgaria.

The endorsement of the agreement is widely perceived as the economic cost that Serbia has to pay for Russia's backing on Kosovo. The document is scheduled to be signed before the Serbians go to the polls again to choose their new president.

The pro-Russian move also came concurrently with a ban on allowing US and UK observers to monitor the polls. Serbia denied them access because both countries overtly backed Kosovo's secession. The act was the first direct display of the December 28 2007 declaration in action. Serbia pledged to cut diplomatic ties with each country that recognised the unilateral independence of the breakaway province.

The international actors have duly focused their attention on to the Balkans. US commentators have even pinned the stability in the Balkans on the outcome of the elections.

While opinions are split as to who the next Serbian president will be, the race will be tight and might produce surprises. At the moment, observers have calculated the distribution of the votes that went to candidates that have been dropped since the first round and given a small advantage to Tadic.

If this occurred, the political situation in the country is unlikely to change by much. Tadic would team up with individual ministers from the Kostunica government and steer Serbia onto the EU path.

Should Nikolic win, then the change would be tangible. Although he has never said that joining the EU would not be a long-term goal of Serbia's, he is much more predisposed to re-invigorating ties with Russia and in that, he would find a strong ally in Kostunica. His political background, however, raises the chances that another conflict might spill over into violence.

Serbia has already got used to being in the hot seat over its staunch opposition to Kosovo's secession. However, whether this opposition takes a radical turn or not is now in the hands of the people.