Kosovo’s February 17 2008 proclamation of independence was an event that once again shook to the core the seismic Balkans and drew the world’s attention to the South Eastern Europe region.

Although reoccurring ethnic tensions have already become a trademark of the Balkans, they still manage to stir up a decent amount of uneasiness, anxiety and fear. And it could not be otherwise, with the typical Balkan nationalism being a key ingredient in every looming conflict.

The birth of the Kosovar republic proved no exception, and was bound to stir up a number of issues surrounding the future of the region. With the new state receiving rapid recognition from the United States and European Union powerhouses the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Italy, it was clear from the very beginning the West saw the Western Balkans continuing their EU integration as the only way to secure its interests and to promote peace and stability in South Eastern Europe.

And it was to that end that on March 5 the European Commission adopted new initiatives and enhanced already existing ones in order to help the development of the Western Balkans and speed their progress towards EU accession.

The measures on enhancing the European prospects for the region are explained in detail in a communication from the European Commission to the European Parliament and the Council, and will be presented to EU member states at the informal meeting of EU foreign ministers in Slovenia on March 28 and 29.

In brief, the communication once again affirms the bloc’s reiterated stand that “the future of the Western Balkans lies within the European Union”. It says that the EU will use all available policy instruments to enable the faster advancement of the SEE countries to the EU, especially after Kosovo’s secession made it vital to preserve the region’s stability. The communication outlines in brief the progress made by Croatia, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Albania, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia on their way towards the EU and points out what is left to be achieved. Co-operation and assistance to Kosovo, as well as its achievements so far and its possible EU perspective are also covered.

Regional and cross-border co-operation, visa liberalisation, granting more scholarships to students from the Western Balkans, participation of the SEE countries in Community programmes and agencies, co-operation in the fields of science and research, education, culture, youth and media, and civil society development in the region are among the topics the communication looks at. Other key areas include measures to ensure good governance in the Western Balkans, parliamentary co-operation, trade integration, economic and social development of the region and EU financial support for it.

A curious part of the communication is the way it deals with addressing Kosovo. Although on a number of occasions Kosovo is referred to as a separate state unit, careful attention is paid to the phrasing of its name so as not to allow any possible claims to be raised. For example, when listing the Western Balkan countries, the communication refers to Kosovo as a separate entity, along with the others, under the name “Kosovo under UNSC Resolution 1244/99”.

EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE: European foreign policy chief Javier Solana
at a news conference during a European Union foreign ministers meeting
in Brussels on February 18, 2008. The European Union is united on Kosovo
although its member countries will be free to decide individually whether to
recognise its independence, the foreign minister of EU president Slovenia
said on the day after the declaration of independence. Photo: REUTERS
                                                                                                                                                                                          

After reviewing each SEE state’s progress towards the EU and to-do agenda, the document logically focuses on doing so for Kosovo, just as it has for every other Western Balkan state before that. This is done not with a straightforward reference to Kosovo, as is the case with the previously reviewed states, but under the title “Kosovo in the light of status developments”.

Despite all these formalities, however, one cannot help but notice the document more or less treats Kosovo like every other independent Western Balkan state.
The passage on Kosovo itself reinforces this notion. It recalls the decision taken by the Council that each EU member state will decide for itself on its relations with Kosovo, and that Kosovo is a sui generis case which by no means challenges the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. It refers to the deployment of the EULEX Kosovo mission that will help Kosovo maintain the rule of law.

However, it also says that “Kosovo has, like the rest of the Western Balkans, a clear and tangible EU perspective”, which is an open declaration of the bloc’s willingness to embrace Kosovo as an independent future member state. Proof of this is that, just as it has recognised the achievements of the other Western Balkan countries on their way towards EU membership, in this passage the communication also recognises Kosovo’s progress “towards a democratic and multi-ethnic society”, including the free and fair November 2007 general elections, the representatives of the Serb and Turkish communities present in the Kosovo government and the cabinet’s commitment to preserving the well-being of minorities, especially the Kosovo Serbs.

The communication also outlines the major challenges facing Kosovo. It says, however, that the Kosovar government has attached itself to carrying out reforms “in line with the European agenda” and is engaged in a “regular dialogue with the Commission on reforms”. With the more than one billion euro EU assistance to Kosovo for the 2007-2010 period and the donors’ conference that the EC plans on organising to gather further funding “to help Kosovo implement its status” both mentioned in the communication, it is more than certain the EU has serious plans for the already former Serbian province.

Another point that is repeatedly emphasised throughout the document, and that is worth noting, is the EU’s call on Serbia to continue with its European integration. “Serbia has a crucial role to play in ensuring stability, good neighbourly relations and regional co-operation in the Western Balkans,” the communication concludes, sending an appeal to Serbia to reaffirm its commitment to closer ties with the EU.

Whether this will happen, however, remains to be seen. While Kosovo’s government has clearly stated its intention to pursue EU integration, the situation in Serbia is far more uncertain. Now that Serbian prime minister Vojislav Kostunica is no longer on the political stage to fiercely oppose Serbia getting closer to a bloc that recognised its ancestral territory of Kosovo becoming independent, it is up to the Serbian people to decide at the forthcoming May 2008 parliamentary elections whether they want a European future or prefer to isolate themselves from the Western “traitors”.

The final part of the EC communication, outlining the EU’s financial support for the Western Balkans, only comes to once again exemplify the bloc’s increasing commitment to the future of the region. “Since 2007, the EU provides financial support to the Western Balkans through the new Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance (IPA),” the document says. “The Western Balkans will receive around four billion euro under IPA for the period 2007-2011. This is the equivalent of 30 euro per capita per year, by far the highest amount provided by the EC to any region in the world,” it continues.

The communication says that the European Investment Bank will increase its lending to the region from a total of 1.9 billion euro for the 2005-2007 period, to an estimated 2.8 billion euro for the 2008-2010 period.

Will the EU’s efforts to secure its presence on the Balkans and to transform them into a stable stronghold of the bloc succeed, or will the self-willed Balkan people once again prove unruly? Which path will the Serbs choose and how will their choice affect the region? Also, what impact will the name dispute between Greece and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia have on the latter’s progress towards the EU?

These are all questions that remain to be answered in the months to come. With the Balkans, however, one never knows...