After just 18 months the experiment of a businessman leading a well-known political party seems to be over. The party in question is the right-wing Union of Democratic Forces (UDF), the grouping which formed the first and, hitherto, only right-wing government to have served a full term. In some people's view this was also the government that saved the country from financial collapse after the 1996 crisis.

Once the strongest political force in the country, the UDF has had a number of vibrant and dynamic political leaders. Perhaps this contributed to the party's big spilt in 2001 after it lost the election. Since then it has lost further elections, losing influence and popularity in the process.

Accustomed to fratricidal conflicts, UDF delegates had low expectations when they elected a new leader last year. Hence Plamen Yuroukov's election was greeted with hope but also skepticism. Hope because Yuroukov was an apolitical figure, untarnished by party squabbles. Just 43, he was unconnected to the early 1990s when clashes between hardcore UDF politicians and socialists dominated the political scene.

More importantly, he also had a track record of entrepreneurial success as owner of the Spetema coffee brand and several other small and medium-sized businesses. This was a welcome boost because it created the feeling that business was finally prepared to share its expertise with politics and work for the benefit of the party and its supporters rather than simply profit from it.

Some were skeptical about Yuroukov because his relative youth and political inexperience - outside his party membership - made him an unknown quantity to UDF supporters. Other said that business should stay away from politics. His main drawback was that even though he was party leader he could not sit in Parliament because he had not taken part in the 2005 elections. Many thought that this would prevent him from occupying the front stage of Bulgaria's political life.

Starting point
Naturally, just like every new leader, Barack Obama included, Yuroukov dismissed all these fears. Instead he promised his supporters that he would bring much needed change.

Yuroukov's immediate problem was that he had to work with a parliamentary group elected in 2005 when Nadezhda Mihailova was still party leader. Through her efforts a combination of party figures and outside experts had been engaged in a bid to open up the party to the public.

Unfortunately, the party figures in question were more recognisable to UDF hardcore supporters than the experts who came to be considered mere party appendages. In the first category are two strong party functionaries, Yordan Bakalov, floor leader of the United Democratic Force coalition, which includes the UDF, and the group's deputy floor leader, Ivan Sotirov. The best-known name in the latter category is Martin Dimitrov, whom Mihailova poached from a celebrated think-tank, the Institute for Market Economics, on account of his economic expertise.

Despite taking a stand on a number of economic issues, Dimitrov proved unpopular among UDF hardcore supporters. His political inexperience and lack of involvement in the party's internal affairs meant that he came across as a dry economic guru. Yuroukov was never likely to establish a rapport with this kind of combination. And his statements frequently differed from what was said by the UDF in Parliament.

Yuroukov was also an easy target for the other main right-wing party in Parliament, Democrats for a Strong Bulgaria (DSB). The DSB leader, Ivan Kostov, a heavyweight political figure popular among right-wing circles because of his four years as UDF prime minister in 1997/2001, seemed an obvious ally. Yet meetings between the two men only led to the two parties declaring a joint candidate for Sofia's mayoral elections last year. Nothing else was agreed.

Yuroukov's business affairs also did him little favour. In the past six months, political opponents have constantly attacked him over alleged tax discrepancies and other issues. He denied the claims but the constant focus on Yuroukov's business affairs distracted attention from his party's policies and ideas. Hence he decided not to run for a second term as UDF leader on December 14. "The slander against me harmed the UDF. That's why I should step back," he said on November 11, noting that he had failed to receive support from most UDF supporters.

The candidates
Speculation immediately ensued about the candidates for Yuroukov's post. So far only three people have confirmed an interest: Sotirov, Dimitrov and Petar Paunov, mayor of the southern town of Kyustendil. Of this trio the first two are considered as strong candidates. Paunov, on the other hand, is little-known and the fact that some Bulgarian media refer to him as close to energy tycoon Hristo Kovachki, one of the founders of Lider party, may play badly for him.

Both Sotirov and Dimitrov agreed that the party had to rediscover its identity and present a new policy and vision if it wanted to win seats at next year's general election. Yet again the prospect of forming a coalition with other right-wing parties proved a particularly contentious issue. On November 11, Dimitrov told reporters that a coalition could only be formed when the UDF finds its own political face and introduces plans for economic reforms. Sotirov was more direct, saying that the UDF should face forthcoming elections alone because "coalitions should not serve as a tool for veteran politicians to survive in politics". Perhaps this was a reference to Kostov/ who split from the UDF to form the DSB.

Speculation has also centred on Bakalov as a possible UDF leadership contender. However, he has refused to conform or deny rumours, saying only that "some people want me to run but have not asked me officially".

The UDF still has one overwhelming problem. None of the possible candidates, although they may have fresh ideas, appear able to present them in an exciting way to the public. History shows us that ideas, irrespective of their merit, are not sufficient to woo voters if they are poorly packaged. So far the UDF's only realistic aim is to survive the next year's general elections. This will be the first acid test the party's new leader will face once he or she is elected.